Monday, November 8, 2021

Yugadanavi Power Plant and economic patriotism

 There is a strong protest staged by the 11 constituent parties of the Government and the trade unions of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) along with affiliated trade unions against the recent agreement with respect to the Yugadanavi Power Plant reached by the Government with the US company, New Fortress Energy (NFE), a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) company founded in 2014.


Eleven constituent parties of the Government have staged a protest against the Government under the banner Mahajana Manthrana Sabhava – MMS (People’s Council). This in fact is not a people’s council, rather a council of frustrated politicians since there were no people involved there. MMS came into the limelight with the real participation of the people during the former autocratic regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa where the Opposition had no say. 

Yugadanavi power plant, which is having a capacity of 300MW, was constructed by Lanka Transformers Ltd. (LTL – a joint venture between CEB and Bonar Long of Scotland) and owned by West Coast Power Ltd., of which the owners are the Treasury (51%), EPF (27%) Lanka Electricity Company – LECO (18%) and LTL (4%). When Yugadanavi was completed in 2010 the intention was to use LNG but since the inception the plant was using diesel.  In the past neither the CEB nor the Government took successful initiatives to use LNG in this plant.

There are several advantages of using LNG against diesel.  LNG burns efficiently which is highest energy content fossil fuel. LNG burns cleanly, it has lower maintenance costs and low emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.  LNG is attractively priced which means more power for the same money. In order to liquidise the gas, it has to be brought under minus 160 degrees Celsius. There are special storage facilities in the ships to transport this.



Agreement with NFE

The Government signed the agreement in July with NFE. It was signed at midnight without getting proper approval from the Cabinet of Ministers. According to the agreement NFE will built a floating storage in the sea to store LNG and they also will build a pipeline to transfer LNG in the form of a gas from that storage to Yugadanavi. In turn it is mandatory that the Government should buy gas 35 trillion BTUs (British Thermal Units) per year. Even if the Government does not buy gas to that extent the payment should be made.

The capacity of Yugadanavi is only 15 trillion BTUs. Therefore, the Government will have to pay NFE for the additional unused 20 trillion BTUs which would amount to around $ 215 million per year. Even if the new power plant under construction in Kerawalapitiya is completed the Government will have to pay around $ 90 million to NFE for unused BTUs.

This minimum buying quantity is fixed since probably otherwise it would be uneconomical to maintain a floating storage and a pipeline for NFE. Therefore, in order to reduce the losses, the Government will have to build an additional pipeline to Kelanitissa as well. Moreover, when there is heavy rains and hydropower stations are running in full capacity the intake may have to be reduced from these LNG power plants since Norochcholai Coal Power Plant cannot be stopped. 

The Government also agreed to sell a 40% stake of West Coast Power Ltd., which owns Yugadanavi, to NFE for $ 250 million. When the agreement was signed CEB has already called for tenders for the floating storage and the pipeline.

All so-called patriots including the unions of CEB are mainly against this 40% sale. Even if a company is selected from the tender procedure the monopoly of supplying LNG should have been given to that company because the country does not have the capacity to have several floating storages. If this company were a Chinese company, these patriots probably would have agreed to it. Their problem is that the monopoly of supplying LNG to the country is vested with an American company. 

However, the main issue is neither the 40% sale nor the monopoly given to NFE but the unfavourable condition to buy over the requirement LNG of the country. If the arrangements can be done to fix that by increasing the usage enabling Kelanitissa as well to use LNG, the agreement can be converted to an advantageous one. 

Not following the tender procedure and not informing the Cabinet were major flaws. Previously, the contract of developing the Port City was granted based on an unsolicited bid submitted by China Communications Construction Company Ltd. in 2013. Thereafter the then Government did not follow the Public Procurement Guidelines and called for other interested parties to bid for the project whilst offering a first right of refusal to the original proposer. 

This issue was not raised sufficiently at that time by the persons who opposed the agreement and the main opposition at that time was to the environmental issues. However, following a wrong procedure in one instance does not justify following the same for other instances as well.



False patriotism

When running an economy especially at this juncture giving too much priority for this silly type of patriotism is a menace. When the Government tried to sell a less than 50% stake of the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) of Colombo Port to Indian and Japanese companies based on an agreement reached by the previous Government, there was a stringent protest from the trade unions who kept mum when 85% of Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) was given to a Chinese company by the previous Mahinda Rajapaksa Government. 

As a result, the Government gave 85% of Western Container Terminal (WCT) which is well above 50% to an Indian company to which the trade unions were in agreement. Now the Government does not have funds to develop the ECT. This time also the trade unions of CEB has threatened that they would take strong trade union action if the Government did not move out from this agreement. 

These 11 constituent parties are keeping mum on the wrong decision taken by the President banning chemical fertiliser. The President reiterated his decision at UN and then at a side event of the UN Climate Change Conference. Several blunders were made after the initial decision. Now the Government is trying to accommodate the questionable Chinese company which tried to supply substandard organic fertiliser. The Chinese Embassy is trying to undermine our legal and banking system. This is interference to our sovereignty and the 11 constituent parties have no issue with it.

The main Opposition should not fall into the situation J.R. Jayewardene adapted soon after the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact was signed in 1957. Bandaranaike came to power with Sinhala Buddhist sentiments. He used that only to come to power. 

After realising the repercussions of the Sinhala Only Act, he signed the B-C Pact to mitigate it. JRJ opposed it taking the argument that Bandaranaike should follow the principles by which he came to power. As a result of the Kandy march and several other protests by the Buddhist clergy the B-C Pact was withdrawn. Had it been there we would not have to face a 30-year-long war. 



Privatisation

The present regime came into power by giving false promises to the people that they would not privatise any Government asset. Now facing the ground reality, they work against their own promises. However, the SJB and UNP should stick to their principles of privatisation of Government assets for long-lasting economic benefits to the country rather than asking the Government to work according to their promises. 

If one example is given, we now reap the benefits of privatising the telecommunication department during the time of Chandrika Kumaratunga. Hence the main Opposition should not follow the precedence of JRJ in 1957.

The thinking of Sri Lankans is influenced by the thinking of the old left and false patriotism, especially false economic patriotism. Trade unions are concerned about their job security and are covering behind this false economic patriotism which promotes inefficient large public sector and idling public assets. This is a sure recipe for an economic disaster for a country like Sri Lanka.


(The writer acknowledges the contribution made by Keerthi Godigamuwa in writing this article.)

published in dailyft on 8th November 2021
https://www.ft.lk/columns/Yugadanavi-Power-Plant-and-economic-patriotism/4-725561

Thursday, November 4, 2021

Patriotism, Economy & Yugadanavi Power Plant

 By Harsha Gunasena –

Harsha Gunasena

Eleven constituent parties of the government have staged a protest against the government under the banner Mahajana Manthrana Sabhava-MMS (Peoples Council). This in fact is not a people’s council rather a council of frustrated politicians since there were no people involved there. MMS came into the limelight with the real participation of the people during the former autocratic regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa where the opposition had no say.

What they say is that they are against the agreement with respect to the Yugadanavi Power Plant reached by the government with the US company, New Fortress Energy (NFE), a liquefied natural gas (LNG) company founded in 2014. The trade unions of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) along with affiliated trade unions are also taking the same stance and planning to stage a major protest including a blackout.

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Yugadanavi power plant, which is having a capacity of 300MW, was constructed by Lanka Transformers Limited (LTL- a joint venture between CEB and Bonar Long of Scotland) and owned by West Coast Power (pvt) Ltd of which the owners are, the treasury (51%), EPF (27%) Lanka Electricity Company -LECO (18%) and LTL (4%). When Yugadanavi was completed in 2010 the intention was to use LNG but since the inception the plant was using diesel. In the past neither the CEB nor the government took successful initiatives to use LNG in this plant.

There are several advantages of using LNG against diesel. LNG burns efficiently which is highest energy content fossil fuel. LNG burns cleanly, it has lower maintenance costs and low emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. LNG is attractively priced which means more power for the same money. In order to liquidize the gas, it has to be brought under minus 160 degrees Celsius. There are special storage facilities in the ships to transport this.

The Government signed the agreement in July with NFE. It was signed at midnight without getting proper approval from the Cabinet of Ministers. According to the agreement NFE will built a floating storage in the sea to store LNG and they also will build a pipeline to transfer LNG in the form of a gas from that storage to Yugadanavi. In turn it is mandatory that the government should buy gas 35 trillion BTUs (British Thermal Units) per year. Even if the government does not buy gas to that extent the payment should be made. The capacity of Yugadanavi is only 15 trillion BTUs. Therefore, the government will have to pay NFE for the additional unused 20 trillion BTUs which would amount to around USD 215 million per year. Even if the new power plant under construction in Keravalapitiya is completed the government will have to pay around USD 90 million to NFE for unused BTUs.

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This minimum buying quantity is fixed since probably otherwise it would be uneconomical to maintain a floating storage and a pipeline for NFE. Therefore, in order to reduce the losses, the government will have to build an additional pipeline to Kelanitissa as well. Moreover, when there is heavy rains and hydropower stations are running in full capacity the intake may have to be reduced from these LNG power plants since Norochchole coal power plant cannot be stopped. The government also agreed to sell 40% stake of West Coast Power (pvt)Ltd which owns Yugadanavi to NFE for USD 250 million. When the agreement was signed CEB has already called for tenders for the floating storage and the pipeline.

All so-called patriots including the unions of CEB are against mainly for this 40% sale. Even if a company is selected from the tender procedure the monopoly of supplying LNG should have been given to that company because the country does not have the capacity to have several floating storages. If this company were a Chinese company these patriots probably would have agreed to it. Their problem is that the monopoly of supplying LNG to the country is vested with an American company. However, the main issue is neither 40% sale nor the monopoly given to NFE but the unfavorable condition to buy over the requirement LNG of the country. If the arrangements can be done to fix that by increasing the usage enabling Kelanitissa as well to use LNG the agreement can be converted to an advantageous one.

Not following the tender procedure and not informing the cabinet were major flows. Previously, the contract of developing the Port City was granted based on an unsolicited bid submitted by China Communications Construction Company Ltd.in 2013. Thereafter the then government did not follow the Public Procurement Guidelines and called for other interested parties to bid for the project whilst offering a first right of refusal to the original proposer. This issue was not raised sufficiently at that time by the persons who opposed the agreement and the main opposition at that time was to the environmental issues. However, following a wrong procedure in one instance does not justify following the same for other instances as well.

Ads by FatChilli

When running an economy especially at this juncture giving too much priority for this silly type of patriotism is a menace. When the government tried to sell less than 50% stake of the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) of Colombo Port to Indian and Japanese companies based on an agreement reached by the previous government there was a stringent protest from the trade unions who kept mum when 85% of Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) was given to a Chinese company by the previous Mahinda Rajapaksa government. As a result, the government gave 85% of Western Container Terminal (WCT) which is well above 50%, to an Indian company to which the trade unions were in agreement. Now the government does not have funds to develop the ECT. This time also the trade unions of CEB has threatened that they would take strong trade union action if the government would not move out from this agreement.

These eleven constituent parties are keeping mum on the wrong decision taken by the President banning chemical fertilizer. The President reiterated his decision at UN and then at a side event of the UN Climate Change Conference. Several blunders were made after the initial decision. Now the government is trying to accommodate the questionable Chinese company which tried to supply substandard organic fertilizer. Chinese embassy is trying to undermine our legal and banking system. This is interference to our sovereignty and the eleven constituent parties have no issue with it.

The main opposition should not fall into the situation J.R.Jayewardene adapted soon after the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact was signed in 1957. Bandaranaike came to power with Sinhala Buddhist sentiments. He used that only to come to power. After realizing the repercussions of Sinhala only Act, he signed B-C pact to mitigate it. JRJ opposed it taking the argument that Bandaranaike should follow the principles by which he came to power. As a result of the Kandy march and several other protests by the Buddhist clergy B-C pact was withdrawn. Had it been there we would not have to face a 30 year long war.

The present regime came into power by giving false promises to the people that they would not privatize any government asset. Now facing the ground reality, they work against their own promises. However, SJB and UNP should stick to their principles of privatization of the government assets for long lasting economic benefits to the country rather than asking the government to work according to their promises. If one example is given, we now reap the benefits of privatizing the telecommunication department during the time of Chandrika Kumaratunga. Hence the main opposition should not follow the precedence of JRJ in 1957.

Thinking of Sri Lankans is influenced by the thinking of the old left and false patriotism especially false economic patriotism. Trade unions are concerned about their job security and are covering behind this false economic patriotism which promotes inefficient large public sector and idling public assets. This is a sure recipe for an economic disaster for a country like Sri Lanka.

(The writer acknowledges the contribution made by Keerthi Godigamuwa in writing this article)

published in Colombo Telegraph on 4th November 2021

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/patriotism-economy-yugadanavi-power-plant/

Monday, October 11, 2021

Defense Expenses In Sri Lanka

By Harsha Gunasena –

Harsha Gunasena

The Minister of Finance presented the Appropriation Bill for the fiscal year 2022 to the Parliament. The highest allocation was made to the Ministry of defense, and this was the scenario for some time. At present the expenditure under the Ministry of Defense includes nonmilitary expenses such as the expenses of Multi-purpose Development Task Force as well. However, the direct military allocations comprising of the allocations to Sri Lanka Army, Sri Lanka Navy and Sri Lanka Air Force inclusive of both recurrent and capital expenditure was staggering Rs. 308 billion. This was 12.3% of the total estimated government expenditure of Rs. 2.5 trillion. In the Appropriation Bill of 2021, the direct military allocation was estimated as Rs. 283 billion which was 10.56% of the total estimated expenditure. Therefore, the allocation to direct military expenditure out of the total estimated government expenditure was increased by 1.74% in 2022. This is of course at the expense of various vital sectors of the country.

By Shanika Somatilake

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Sri Lanka is a country which is having high military expenses among the fellow nations. If a comparison is made with few countries across the world representing different levels of development, ideologies, and geographic locations this is visible. For comparison purposes with Sri Lanka the countries of Japan, Sweden, Bangladesh, Germany, China, Australia, UK, India and Israel are considered. As the indicators, military expenditure as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), military expenditure as a percentage of total government expenses and military personnel as a percentage of population are considered and the relevant charts are given.

Source: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS

As a percentage of GDP, Sri Lanka spent 1.93% in 2020 on military expenses whereas Israel spent 5.62% which was the highest. Japan, which is having external threats spent only 0.99%. Sri Lanka (10.29%) is second only to Israel (12.08%) in 2020 out of the selected countries in respect of military expenses as a % of government expenditure. The number of military personnel in Sri Lanka in 2018 was 317,000 which was lower than only China and India which countries maintain large armies. As a percentage of population in 2018 Sri Lanka (1.46%) was second only to Israel (2%)

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Source: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.ZS

The Sri Lankan problem, if any, is not similar to that of Israel. It could be solved very easily if not for the mindsets of the political leaders especially the current set who have no hesitation to grab the power even through blood.

Despite the end of the civil war in 2009, defense expenditure in the Sri Lankan budget was on the rise. A mentality was created in the minds of the people that defense was the most prioritized expenditure of the budget. Therefore no one including the opposition parliamentarians raised objections to the increasing defense expenditure of the country. Even at this juncture of the history of Sri Lanka where people are forced to undergo severe economic difficulties partly due to the bad economic management of the successive governments and partly due to the arrogant and foolish approach of this government in solving the issue, defense expenses are on the rise.

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Source: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.TOTL.P1

It is understood that during the war defense should be the topmost expenditure. When it continues after the war, year after year, it is an indicator that the peace is not there. The successive governments after the end of the war have not done enough to bring peace to the country. The blame goes to the previous government as well although it had done a lot in this direction.

The simple formula to bring peace is to sideline the extremist elements in all the sides and implement a moderate solution acceptable to all. This is not a difficult task for a leader with a vision. If so, the defense expenses can be reduced drastically and that can be used to more deserved sectors of the country. Instead, the political leaders of the country intentionally create unrest and fear among the ethnic groups in order to get the votes of the majority Sinhala community. Eventually they increase the allocation to the military expenses to safeguard the country from an unborn enemy.

published in Colombo Telegraph on October 12, 2021

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/defense-expenses-in-sri-lanka/

Friday, October 1, 2021

මංගල නම් බෞද්ධයා

 

“මම කිව්වාම මේක සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටක් නොවෙයි මේක සියලුම ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ රටක් කියල මට කුණුහරුපෙන් බැන්නා.  මේ රටේ බහුතරය බෞද්ධ බව ඇත්ත. නමුත් මේ රට සියලු ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ට අයිතියි....ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ දේශනා කල බෞද්ධ දර්ශනය රටකට ආගමකට ජාතියකට කුලයකට සිමා වුන එකක් නෙවෙයි.ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම ඒක මේ ලෝකයට සිමා වුන දර්ශනයකුත් නෙවෙයි. මේක මුළු විශ්වය ගැනම කථා කරන දර්ශනයක්. ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම විශ්ව නීතිය ගැන කථා කරන දර්ශනයකට තමයි අපි බුද්ධාගම කියල කියන්නේ.”

අභාවප්‍රාප්ත මංගල සමරවීර මහතා මේ අදහස් ප්‍රකාශ කලේ 2019 මැයි 23 දා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදීය. එවකට ඔහු මුදල් ඇමති විය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් පිටත ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කල මේ හා සමාන අදහස් නිසා ඔහු එවකට විශේෂයෙන්ම භික්ෂූන් ගේ බරපතල විවේචන වලට ලක් වෙමින් තිබිණ. සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටක් පිළිබඳව ඔහු මේ ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ සත්‍යයයි.  මෙය ලිබරල් මතවාදය බව සමහරු කියති. එසේම  නොවේ. එය සාමාන්‍ය නෛතික තත්ත්වයයි. මෙය සාමාන්‍ය විචාර බුද්ධිය ඇති සියලු දෙනාටම වැටහේ. එමතුද නොවේ. පසුව කරන ප්‍රකාශය මගින් ඔහු  අසාමාන්‍ය ලෙස බුදු දහම ඔසවා තැබීය. එසේ ඔසවා තැබුවද ඔහු භික්ෂූන් ගේ සහ සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ගේ විවේචනයට ලක් විය.  මේ කෙටි ලිපියේ අරමුණ “එහෙම වෙන්නේ ඇයි” යන ප්‍රශ්නයට “අයි ඩෝන්ට් නෝ වයි” යනුවෙන් නොකියා යම් පිළිතුරක් දීමට උත්සාහ කිරීමය.

ක්‍රි. පූ. පළමුවන ශතවර්ෂයේ වළගම්බා යුගයේ  ඇතිවූ බැමිනිටියා සාගතයෙන් පසු එතෙක් මුඛ පරම්පරාගතව පැමිණි ත්‍රිපිටකය ග්‍රන්ථාරූඪ කරන ලදී.  එයින් පසුව අංගුත්තර නිකාය අටුවාවට අනුව පාංසුකූලික සහ ධර්මකථික භික්ෂුන් අතර ඇතිවූ විවාදයකදී නිවන් අරමුණු කරගෙන ප්‍රතිපත්ති රැකීමට වඩා ත්‍රිපිටක ධර්ම ඉගෙනීම උසස් බවට  මතයක් සම්මත විය. සාසනය පවතින්නේ ත්‍රිපිටකය තිබුනොත් පමණි. දීඝ සහ මජ්ජිම නිකාය අටුවා ද මෙය සනාථ කරයි. මෙය බුදුන්ගේ දැක්මට සපුරා පටහැනි වුවත් බැමිනිටියා සාගතය නිසා මතුවූ සමාජ තත්ත්වය එයට හේතුවන්නට ඇත. දැන් නම් ත්‍රිපිටකය අන්තර්ජාලයේද තිබේ.

ධර්මකථික භික්ෂුන් ශක්තිමත් වීම හේතුවෙන් මුල් කාලයේ භික්ෂූන්ගේ පරමාර්ථය වූ මේ ආත්මයේදීම නිවන් දැකීම අභිබවා මතු නිවන් දකින බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන් ශක්ති පමණින් ආත්මාර්ථ පරාර්ථ දෙකෙහි යෙදීම ඉදිරියට පැමිණියේය. එවකට අධ්‍යාපනය තිබුනේ පිරිවෙන් ආශ්‍රිතව බැවින් බෞද්ධ භික්ෂූන් ත්‍රිපිටකය මතු නොව වෙනත් ලෞකික විෂයයන් පිළිබඳවද දැනුම ලැබූහ. වර්තමාන භික්ෂුව සිය මූලික අරමුණින් බැහැරට ගෙන ආ පරිවර්තනිය ක්‍රියා දාමය මෙයයි.

එමෙන්ම මහා වංසයේ සිට මෙරට ඉතිහාසය අධ්‍යයනය කරන ලද්දේ ද්‍රවිඩයන්ට එරෙහි සිංහල බෞද්ධ  සංස්කෘතියේ ප්‍රගමනයක් ලෙසයි. නිදර්ශනයක් වශයෙන් එළාර බුදුදහම ආරක්ෂා කල බව මහා වංශයේම ඔහු ගැන එන විස්තරයෙන් සනාථ වුවත් දුටුගැමුණු ප්‍රධාන කොටගත් වීර කාව්‍යයක් ලෙස රචිත මහා වංශයේ සමස්තාර්ථය ලෙස ලැබෙන පණිවුඩය වන්නේ එළාර බුදු දහම විනාශ කල බවයි. අද පවා මෙරටට බරපතලම විනාශය කල ද්‍රවිඩයකු නොවූ කාලිංග මාඝ ට වඩා විනාශයක් එළාර විසින් බුදුදහමට කලැයි සිතන බොහෝ දෙනෙක් වෙති. එකල ජනවාර්ගික යුද්ධ නොවූ අතර යුද්ධ පැවතියේ රජවරුන් සහ කුමාරවරුන් අතර බලය ලබා ගැනීම උදෙසාය. එළාර ගේ හමුදාවේ හරි හරියට සිංහලයන් සිටි අතර මෙරට රජවරු මෙරට සිටි සිය ප්‍රතිමල්ලවයන් සමග යුද්ධ කිරීම සඳහා ද්‍රවිඩ හමුදා වල සහාය ලබා ගත්හ. එමෙන්ම සමහර සිංහල රජවරු දකුණු ඉන්දියාව ආක්‍රමණය කළහ.

නුවර යුගයේදී සිංහලයන්ද ද්‍රවිඩයන්ද මුස්ලිම් වරුන්ද ඔවුන්ගේ අනන්‍යතාවන්ට ගරු කරමින් එකට ජීවත්වූ ආකාරය එකල සමාජයෙන් අපට උගත හැකිය.

ඉංග්‍රීසි යුගයේදී අධ්‍යාපනය අනුක්‍රමයෙන් පිරිවෙන් වලින් ඉවතට ගොස් මිෂනාරීන් අතටද පසුව ගිහියන් අතටද පත්විය. ඒ යුගයේදී අනගාරික ධර්මපාල තුමා ගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් ඇතිවූ ජාතික පුනර්ජීවන ව්‍යාපාරයේ  සම්පුර්ණ අවධානය තිබුනේ සිංහල ජනවර්ගය  වෙත පමණි. මෙය ඉන්දීය නිදහස් ව්‍යාපාරයට සපුරා වෙනස් විය. ධර්මපාල තුමා මූලික වශයෙන් සිංහලයන්ගේ සානුකම්පිත තත්ත්වය සහ ඔවුන්ගේ දුර්වල ආර්ථික බලය ගැන දුක් විය. ව්‍යාපාරික පවුලකින් පැවත එන ඔහු රටේ ආර්ථික බලය අන්‍ය ජාතිකයන්ගෙන් සිංහලයන් අතට පත්වනු දැකීමට රුචි විය. එබැවින් ඔහු අන්‍ය ජාතිකයන් විශේෂයෙන්ම මුස්ලිම්වරුන් විවේචනය කළේය. සිංහල බෞද්ධ අනන්‍යතාවය ඔහු අවධාරණය කළේය. තේ රබර් වැවීම ඉංග්‍රීසින් අතට වී තිබේ. වෙළෙඳාම මරක්කල දෙමළ ජාතීන් අතට පත්ව තිබේ. අප නැති කරණ මත්පැන් වෙළෙඳාම පමණක් සිංහලයන් විසින් කරනු ලබන්නේ මන්ද?” (1911 දෙසැ 30 සිංහල බෞද්ධයා) යටත් විජිත යුගයේදී සිංහලයන්ට සහ බෞද්ධයන්ට විවිධ අතවර වලට මුහුණ පෑමට සිදුවුවත් ගුණදාස අමරසේකර සුත්‍ර ගත කරන පරිදි මෙය ජාතික චින්තනය නොවේ. එය බෙදුම්වාදයේ උපතයි.

මෙය වර්තමාන සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතිකත්වයේ ද උපතයි. බුදුදහමේ හරයෙන් ඉවතට ගමන් ගනිමින් සිටි භික්ෂූහු ද  මෙම ප්‍රවාහයට අසුවූහ.  පසුව බණ්ඩාරනායක විසින් බලයට ඒම සඳහා පාවිච්චි කලේද  මෙම බලවේගයයි. වර්තමාන පාලක පන්තියද බලයට ඒම සඳහා අවුස්සා ගත්තේ මොවුන්ගේ මේ චින්තන ධාරාවයි. මෙම දේශපාලන මැදහත්වීම් නිසා මෙය දැඩි විශ්වාසයන්ගෙන් සමන්විත ආගමක් බවට වර්ධනය වී තිබේ. එය බුදු දහම නොවේ.

මංගල සමරවීර අභියෝග කළේ මෙම තත්ත්වයට එරෙහිවයි. ඉතාම තාර්කික වූ මෙම ක්‍රියාව අපේ රටේ පවතින පසුගාමීත්වය විසින් විවේචනයට ලක් කර ඇත.

-          හර්ෂ ගුණසේන-‘මංගල’ කලාපය - සමබිම #98,  2021 අගෝස්තු, කාණ්ඩය 10 කලාපය 9